jueves, 14 de noviembre de 2013

Eighth Lesson. Spain during the Revolutionary period (1776-1814)



8.1. TIMELINE

8.1.1 The revolutionary period (1776-1814)

8.1.1.1 The American revolution (1776-1787)

1773, 16 of December     Boston Tea Party.
1776    The 4th of July. The Declaration of Independence.
1777 October 17. First victory of the rebels at Saratoga. In november                                                                          the members of the Second Continental Congress approve the Articles of Confederation.
1778    The government of Louis XVI signs a treat of Alliance with the rebels, represented by Benjamin Franklin.
1781   Surrender of England’s General Cornwallis at Yorktown.
1783   September 3. Signature of the Peace of Versailles.
1787 September 17. Approval of the federal Constitution by the Continental Congress. (Ratification pending by the states, completed by 1789).

8.1.1.2 The French Revolution (1789-1799)

The origins of the Revolution (May to October of 1789)
1789
5 May. Opening of the Estates General.

17 June. The Third Estate is transformed into a National Assembly.

14 July. The Storming of the Bastille. First popular revolution.

6 October. The people of Paris force the royal family to flee from Versailles to Paris. The Constituent Assembly also moves. Second popular revolution 26 August. Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen

The stage of the constitutional monarchy (10 October, 1789 - 10 August, 1792)
1789    10 October. The Constituent Assembly grants the king a new title: “Louis, by the grace of God and constitutional law, King of the French.”
1790   14 July. Celebration of the Federation. Origin of the French
1791    
20-21 June. The Flight to Varennes. The king's attempt to flee France is foiled.

3 September. Approval of the first French Constitution.

1 October. Opening of the Legislative Assembly.

1792   

20 April. The Legislative Assembly declares war on Austria.

10 August. Third popular insurrection. The mob overruns the Tuileries Palace. The king and his family are jailed.

The establishment of the first French Republic: the stage of the Convention (September of 1792 - October of 1795)

1792                           
2 - 6 September. Elections to the Convention.
20 September. First military victory of revolutionary France at Valmy.
22 September. Abolition of the monarchy and proclamation of the “republic.” 

1793   
21 January. The execution of Louis XVI.
February. First coalition of European monarchies against  revolutionary France.
24 June. New French Constitution (Constitution de l' An II). Universal masculine suffrage is established. It will be a “virtual” text, its application suspended by the state of emergency declared.
24 November. Implantation of a revolutionary calendar (Fabré d' Églantine) as a measure of “de-Christianization.”

1794                                       
January.  Robespierre seizes power (which he maintains until July).
27 July (9 Termidor, An II). The  Thermidorian Reaction.  Moderates and centrists arrest and execute Robespierre and other “terrorists.”    
22 August. Third French Constitution (L' An III).      

The second stage of the First French Republic: the Directory (October of 1795 - November of 1799)

1796    April. The Conspiracy of Equals (Babeuf).
1798    5 September. The Jourdan Law enacts obligatory military service for unmarried men ages 20 to 25.

8.1.1.3 The Napoleonic Period (1799-1815)

1799               
9 November. Napoleon seizes power through a coup d ' état.
25 December. The Year VII Constitution (1799) enters into force.

1802  2 August. French electors approve of Napoleon becoming sole consul, for life. Two days later the Constitution of the Year X is approved (4 August, 1802).
1804    18 May, 1804 (28 Floréal, An XII). The Senate approves a new constitution under which the government of the Republic is handed over to Napoleon as “Emperor of the French.”   The Constitution is ratified by plebiscite on November 6, 1804.
1805  2 December. Battle of Austerlitz. This victory marks the zenith of Napoleon’s military glory
1808   2 May   Madrid rebels against Napoleon troops. Beginning of the Independence War.

1812     
           
June. Napoleon invades Russia in command of 700,000 men.
December. Napoleon withdraws from Russia in defeat.

1814     

31 March. Marshals force Napoleon to abdicate.
3 April. The Senate removes Napoleon from office.
4 June. Louis XVIII grants the French a charte.

1815                

1 March. Napoleon disembarks in France.
18 June. Napoleon is defeated at Waterloo.
22 June. Napoleon’s second abdication.
14 October. Napoleon reaches St. Helena in the English warship Northumberland.


8.1.2  Spain from 1779 to 1814

8.1.2.1 Reign of Charles III

1779-1783 Spain send money, weapons and munitions for helping American rebels against British armies.
1783    Treaty of Versailles. After the independence of the United States Spain recovers from Great Britain East and West Florida, the coast of Nicaragua, Honduras (Mosquito’s coast) and Campeche and the island of Minorca.

8.1.2.2 Reign of Charles IV

1789 The beginning of the French Revolution makes Floridablanca Spanish prime minister to stop reforms and establish censorship and a reactionary policy to counteract revolutionary propaganda.
1792    15 of November. Manuel Godoy prime minister of Spain.
1793  Spain declares war to the French Convention after the beheading of Louis XVI.
1795 
22 of July   Peace of Basel. Spain accepts the French regime after losing the war.
27 october  Treaty of San Lorenzo (Pinckney’s Treaty). Sapins guarantees the United States rights on the Mississippi River.  
1796  Treaty of San Ildefonso. Spain signs an Alliance with revolutionary France and declares war to Great Britain.
1802  Peace of Amiens. Spain recovers definitely Minorca from Great Britain. Reinforcement of the alliance with France.
1805  21 october. Naval Battle of Trafalgar. The Spanish and French fleets are destroyed by Almiral Nelson.
 1807   Treaty of Fontainebleau. Godoy authorizes Napoleon to cross Spanish border with an army to invade Portugal.

8.1.2.3 War of Independance -Peninsular War- (1808-1814)

1808 
19 of March. Mutiny of Aranjuez against Godoy. Charles IV abdicates on his son Ferdinand VII.
2 of May   The people of Madrid rebels against French troops of Murat.
5 of May     Ferdinand VII and Charles IV abdícate of the Spanish throne on Napoleon. He cedes it to his brother Joseph.
7 of July  Approval of Bayone’s Statute, first Spanish written constitution.
21 of July  Battle of Bailén. A Napoleon’s army is defeated for the first time.
September 25   The anti-Napoleonic Spain names a provisional government (Junta Central Suprema).
November to December         Napoleon come to Spain and conquers Madrid.         

1809  December: The city of Gerona surrender to a French after seven months of fierce resistance.
1810  24 september:  Antinapoleonic Spain representatives meet in extraordinary Cortes in Cadiz. 
1812
19 of March. The Cádiz Cortes approve a constitution for anti-napoleonic Spain.
July-November  Napoleon is defeated in Russia.
1813  June: French troops are heavily defeated in Vitoria.
1814  
2 of February    The Cortes approve a decree forcing Ferdinand VII to accept the 1812 constitution.
4 of may    Ferdinand VII reestablish Absolute monarchy in Valencia and annuls the constitution and all legislation approved by the Cortes.

8.2. SOME WORDS

 AMERICAN REVOLUTION 

Boston Tea Party
Declaration of Independence
Continental Congress
Articles of Confederation
Peace of Versailles
Federal Constitution
Ratification
Bill of Rights

FRENCH REVOLUTION

Estates General
Third Estate
Bastille
Federation day
National Assembly
Constituent Assembly
Legislative Assembly
Flight to Varennes
Valmy
First Republic
Convention
Thermidorian Reaction
Directory
Consulate
Empire
Charte (Louis XVIII)


SPAIN FROM 1779 TO 1814

Peace of Basel
Trafalgar (Battle of)
Treaty of Fontainebleau
Mutiny of Aranjuez
"Juntas" of defence
Junta Central Suprema
Bayone's Statute
Cortes (Cádiz)
Constitution (Cádiz)
Carbonari



8.3 SOME QUESTIONS

1. Why does start the American Revolution against British rule? Think of a legal reason.
2. How does react Spain to the American rebellion? Why?
3. What happens in Versailles on the 17 of June of 1789? Why this event is constitutionally essential
4. What do French people celebrate of July 14?
5. What is the difference between the Constituent and a Legislative assemblies?
6. When and how France turns form a Constitutional monarchy to a Republic?
7. What are the essential periods of the French Revolution (1789-1799)?
8. Why is formed the first European armed coalition against Revolutionary France in 1793?
9. What is the consequence of the constitutional consequence for France of the approval of the third Napoleonic constitution in 1804?
10. How does Spain react to the French Revolution? Think about what happens before and after 1795.
11. Why the Independence War or Peninsula War (1808-1814) has revolutionary consequences in Spain from a constitutional point of view?


8.4 TEXTS

1. The tax revolt as origin of the American revolution

The need to quell an Indian rebellion gave the British government the perfect excuse to maintain a small standing army in the 13 colonies for the first time.  In addition, in order to better control the governors of the various colonial territories George III decided that they were to be paid directly by the Crown instead of being compensated by the different colonial assemblies, as had been the previous practice.

This obviously augmented the cost of maintaining the colonies for the Crown, which sought to pass the expense on to the colonists.  To achieve this it first severely repressed smuggling in order to increase revenue from customs duties.  Next, the Westminster Parliament voted to levy a series of indirect taxes upon the colonists, who responded by rejecting the new taxes, arguing that as British subjects, and according to the constitutional principles of the United Kingdom, they were not obligated to pay any tax which they had not approved. As the American colonists had no representatives in the Westminster Parliament, they asserted, this body had no right to impose taxes on them.

 The unrest created by the “tax dispute” would spark specific incidents which, when exaggerated by the press, exacerbated tensions between London and the colonists.  In 1770 occurred what the colonists called the “Boston Massacre,” an incident in which four protestors were killed by British soldiers who had been harassed in the street.  In 1773 the incident known as the “Boston Tea Party” took place when a group of colonists disguised as Indians threw some 340 chests of tea overboard from a British ship which had just docked in Boston Harbor. The act was intended to protest the king’s plan to monopolize this product . The incident so infuriated George III that he annulled the colony of Massachusetts’  “constitution ” and closed Boston Harbor until the people had defrayed the cost of the lost tea.

2.  The American Revolution as a rupture with the Old Order

While European historians tend to view the colonists’ war against England mainly as a struggle for independence, American historians emphasize its “revolutionary” nature. The colonists, in their view, not only rebelled against their king but, by virtue of the Declaration of Independence of 1776, created a new state inspired by Enlightenment principles and based on a social contract endorsed by the delegates of the states gathered in a series of congresses.

 The very idea of a congress as a meeting called to discuss issues of common interest was in itself already profoundly novel.  In the case of the United States this assembly was essential because each colony had its own system of government and, thus, constituted a kind of embryonic state. In fact, the congress  was the essential instrument of the process which would give rise to the new United States of America.  The 13 colonies, having became independent states, followed the procedure of meeting in a constituent assembly  in which representatives of the former colonies created and approved the texts for state constitutions.  The English had some constitutional texts, such as the Magna Carta or the Bill of Rights of 1689, but they never adopted a comprehensive legislative text governing the state’s functions.  Therefore, by employing written constitutions the thirteen new American states began a new era in the history of western public law.  Through constituent assemblies the states drafted their own constitutions setting down their organization and government principles.

It must be observed that each state’s constitutional process very much affected by the precedent of each colonial charter, which helps one to understand how each new state was able to draw up a constitution so quickly:  they closely followed their own traditions of self-government from the colonial era.  All of them featured an elected assembly, a Governor and a court system.  Generally the power of the governor and the judges was strictly limited, while the legislative assembly was the most powerful body, as it was the institution directly advocating for the citizens’ interests.

The constitutions, in addition, also generally ended up including bills of rights which protected civil liberties against the powers of the new states.  The first was the Virginia Declaration of 1776, which had a major impact on all the subsequent bills of rights.  The Virginia document, then, preceded the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen approved by the French constituent assembly in 1789, and the U.S. federal Bill of Rights of 1791. It should be emphasized that these declarations of fundamental rights have constitutional status, making them inviolable by the government.  This, however, was not true of the French Declaration of 1789, which had merely  declarative value. 

3. From voting by estate to one man, one vote: the rebellion of the Third Estate and origin of the French revolution

In order to bend the will of the sovereign and his minister it was necessary for the three estates to unite and act in unison. This would prove to be very difficult, as was evident the following day (6 May) when the nobility and the clergy refused to accede to the patriots' proposal that the traditional ceremony confirming the powers given to each representative and the legality of their election be held in one chamber, in the presence of the representatives of the three classes. The nobles were determined to defend the perpetuation of the traditional practice in which the three classes deliberated separately and voted in blocks as estates. The clergy was less adamant on this point, with some of its members clearly in favor of accepting the Third Estate's proposal. Their flexibility led to what would be a prolonged debate on the issue. As discussions dragged on for more than a month without any agreement being reached, the “patriots,” encouraged by Father Sieyes, decided to act unilaterally in order to secure what they had proposed.

On 17 June, 1789 the representatives of the Third State concluded that, as they represented “96 percent of the nation,” they alone sufficed to constitute the National Assembly and claim total sovereignty with regards to fiscal affairs. This act had immediate consequences because once the clergy heard of this development they unanimously voted to join the Third Estate, leaving the nobles isolated.

4. The forming of the first French Constituent Assembly 27 June of 1789

The unflinching stand taken by the representatives of the Third Estate bent Louis XVI's will. On 27 June he agreed to yield and ordered the representatives of the nobility and the clergy to united with the representatives of the people to form a single estate assembly  in which all individual votes would be counted. The king's decision was “revolutionary” as it marked the end of the system employed by the Estates General ever since 1302, when it had arisen from a thoroughly feudal society,  a development which the representatives wished to make perfectly clear, on that very day establishing themselves as a Constituent Assembly and beginning to discuss the task of drafting a constitution.

The Constituent Assembly held its sessions between 27 June, 1789 and 30 September, 1791. This period spanning two years and three months was without any doubt the most crucial of the entire revolutionary era, as during it the legislative measures were adopted which most contributed to changing France forever. From the point of view of public order the years of the Constituent Assembly and those of the Legislative Assembly (1791-1792) were relatively calm (at least compared to the following period, from 1792-1794) as, despite the popular rebellions of 14 July and 6 October, 1789 the Assembly  managed to maintain public order.

5. The “juntas” and the forming of a constituent power in Spain

In the Napoleonic era, junta (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈxunta]) was the name chosen by several local administrations formed in Spain during the Peninsular War as a patriotic alternative to the official administration toppled by the French invaders. The juntas were usually formed by adding prominent members of society, such as prelates, to the already-existing ayuntamientos (municipal councils).

The juntas of the capitals of the traditional peninsular kingdoms of Spain styled themselves "Supreme Juntas," to differentiate themselves from, and claim authority over, provincial juntas. Juntas were also formed in Spanish America during this period in reaction to the developments in Spain.

Realizing that unity was needed to coordinate efforts against the French and to deal with British aid, several supreme juntas—Murcia, Valencia, Seville and Castile and León—called for the formation of a central one. After a series of negotiations between the juntas and the discredited Council of Castile, which initially had supported Joseph I, a "Supreme Central and Governmental Junta of Spain and the Indies" met in Aranjuez on 25 September 1808, with the Conde de Floridablanca as its president. Serving as surrogate for the absent king and royal government, it succeeded in calling for representatives from local provinces and the overseas possessions to meet in an "Extraordinary and General Cortes of the Spanish Nation," so called because it would be both the single legislative body for the whole empire and the body which would write a constitution for it. By the beginning of 1810, the forces under the Supreme Central Junta's command had suffered serious military reverses—the Battle of Ocaña, the Battle of Alba de Tormes—in which the French not only inflicted large losses on the Spanish, but also took control of southern Spain and forced the government to retreat to Cádiz, the last redoubt available to it on Spanish soil. (See the Siege of Cádiz.) In light of this, the Central Junta dissolved itself on 29 January 1810 and set up a five-person Regency Council of Spain and the Indies, charged with convening the Cortes. Therefore the system of juntas was replaced by a regency and the Cádiz Cortes, which established a permanent government under the Constitution of 1812.

6. The Cadiz Constitution of 1812 (La Pepa)

Retreating before the advancing French and an outbreak of yellow fever, the Supreme Central Junta moved to Isla de León, where it was protected by the British Royal Navy, and abolished itself, leaving a regency to rule until the Cortes could convene.

The origins of the Cortes did not harbor any revolutionary intentions, since the Junta saw itself simply as a continuation of the legitimate government of Spain. The opening session of the new Cortes was held on 24 September 1810 in the building now known as the Real Teatro de las Cortes. The opening ceremonies included a civic procession, a mass, and a call by the president of the Regency, Pedro Quevedo y Quintana, the bishop of Ourense, for those present to fulfill their task loyally and efficiently. Still, the very act of resistance to the French involved a certain degree of deviation from the doctrine of royal sovereignty: if sovereignty resided entirely in the monarch, then Charles and Ferdinand's abdications in favor of Napoleon would have made Joseph Bonaparte the legitimate ruler of Spain.

The representatives who gathered at Cádiz were far more liberal than the elite of Spain taken as a whole, and they produced a document far more liberal than might have been produced in Spain were it not for the war. Few of the most conservative voices were at Cádiz, and there was no effective communication with King Ferdinand, who was a virtual prisoner in France. In the Cortes of 1810-1812, liberal deputies, who had the implicit support of the British who were protecting the city, were in the majority and representatives of the Church and nobility constituted a minority. Liberals wanted equality before the law, a centralized government, an efficient modern civil service, a reform of the tax system, the replacement of feudal privileges by freedom of contract, and the recognition of the property owner's right to use his property as he saw fit. Three basic principles were soon ratified by the Cortes: that sovereignty resides in the nation, the legitimacy of Ferdinand VII as king of Spain, and the inviolability of the deputies. With this, the first steps towards a political revolution were taken, since prior to the Napoleonic intervention, Spain had been ruled as an absolute monarchy by the Bourbons and their Habsburg predecessors. Although the Cortes was not unanimous in its liberalism, the new Constitution reduced the power of the crown, the Catholic Church (although Catholicism remained the state religion), and the nobility.

The Cortes of Cádiz worked feverishly and the first written Spanish constitution was promulgated in Cádiz on 19 March 1812. The Constitution of 1812 is regarded as the founding document of liberalism in Spain and one of the first examples of classical liberalism or conservative liberalism worldwide. It came to be called the "sacred code" of the branch of liberalism that rejected the French Revolution, and during the early nineteenth century it served as a model for liberal constitutions of several Mediterranean and Latin American nations. It served as the model for the Norwegian Constitution of 1814, the Portuguese Constitution of 1822 and the Mexican one of 1824, and was implemented with minor modifications in various Italian states by the Carbonari during their revolt of 1820 and 1821.

As the principal aim of the new constitution was the prevention of arbitrary and corrupt royal rule, it provided for a limited monarchy which governed through ministers subject to parliamentary control. Suffrage, which was not determined by property qualifications, favored the position of the commercial class in the new parliament, since there was no special provision for the Church or the nobility. The constitution set up a rational and efficient centralized administrative system for the whole monarchy based on newly reformed and uniform provincial governments and municipalities, rather than maintaining some form of the varied, historical local governmental structures. Repeal of traditional property restrictions gave liberals the freer economy they wanted.

The first provincial government created under the Constitution was in the province of Guadalajara. Its deputation first met in the village of Anguita in April 1813, since the capital Guadalajara was the site of ongoing fighting.

(From Wikipedia)



miércoles, 6 de noviembre de 2013

Seventh Lesson. The age of Enlightened absolutism. The Eighteenth-century Revolution in Spain (1700-1808)



I. TIMELINE

a) Enlightened Europe

1701     Rise of the Kingdom of Prussia (capital at Berlin).  Frederick of Hohenzollern, son of the Great Elector (of Brandenburg) Frederick William (1640-1688) receives from the Emperor Leopold I, the title of king of Prussia for his support of his son the Archduke Charles of Austria in the Spanish War of Succession.

1704    Beginning of the Spanis War of Succession

1711     Austrian Emperor Charles VI (1711-1740) aspires to the Spanish throne, squaring off against Philip V.  His election precipitates the end of the war and the signing of the Peace of Utrecht (1713)

1713   Frederick William I rises to the throne of Prussia (1713-1740), the “Sergeant King,” who forges Prussia into Europe’s premiere military power.  He is the father of Frederick the Great.

1715, September 1st  Death of Louis XIV (king from 1643, personal reign from 1661).

1723  End of the Regency of Louis XV of France (born in 1710)

1725 Death of Tsar Peter I the Great (1682-1725), founder of St. Petersburg, after converting Russia into a great European power.  

1740 Frederick II the Great of Prussia (1740-1796) and Maria Theresa of Austria (1740-1780) ascend to the throne.

1746 Ferdinand VI assumes the Spanish throne (1746-1759).

1750 Joseph I takes the throne in Portugal (1750-1777), leaving the government in the ands of the Marquis of Pombal, Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo (1699-1782).      The period of Pombal (1750-1777) would be Portugal’s last era of splendor.

1755    Death of Charles Louis de Secondat, better known as Montesquieu (born in 1689).

1756  Birth in Salzburg (Austria) of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (1756-1791).

1759 Charles III (1759-1788) rises to the Spanish throne after having been king of Naples and Sicily (bearing the title of Charles VII) between 1734 and 1759.

1762  The Russian throne is occupied by a German princess married to Tsar Peter III, who she overthrows after organizing a conspiracy against him.  Catherine II (1762-1796),  better known as the Catherine the Great, along with Peter I, will serve as the leading paladins of enlightened absolutism in Russia. 

1774    Death of Louis XV of France after a reign of 59 years. He is succeeded by Louis XVI.

1778    May 30.  Death of François Marie Arouet, better known as Voltaire (born in 1694). On 2 July of the same year Jean Jacques Rousseau dies (b. 1712).

1780   Joseph II becomes Emperor of Austria (1780-1790). Unlike his mother, he adopts a policy of aggressive reformism which ultimately fails, rejected by the majority of his subjects.

1784 Death of Denis Diderot, one of the leading French encyclopedists.

1786  Death of Frederick II of Prussia.

1788    Death of Charles III of Spain.

1790  Death of Joseph II of Austria.

1796  Death of Catherine II of Russia.


b) Spain in the Age of Enlightenment

Spanish kings of the period

1700-1724  Philip V
1724 Louis I
1724-1746 Philip V
1746-1759 Ferdinand VI
1759-1788 Charles III
1788-1808 Charles IV


Essential dates

Philip V

1704-1714 Spanish War of Succession.

1707 New Plant Decree for Valencia and Aragon
1711 New Plant Decree for Aragon
1713 Treaty of Utrecht
1714  September 11. The Duke of Berwick conquers Barcelona for Philip V.

1715 New Plant Decree for the Kingdom of Mallorca
1716 New Plant Decree for Cataluña

1724 15 January to 31 August: reign of Louis I of Spain. 

1724 December Furst Spanish Cortes. Prince Ferdinand new heir to the throne.

1735 A son of Philip V and his second wife Elisabeth Farnese becomes Charles VII of Naples (until 1759, when he becomes Charles III of Spain).

1739-1741  José del Campillo y Cossío Ministry of State

Ferdinand VI

1748-1754  Marquis of Ensenada Secretary of State of Ferdinand VI
Charles III

1766, March  Esquilache riots.
1767  Suppression of the Society of Jesus (expulsion of the Jesuits).
1777 Count of Floridablanca becomes minister of Charles III
1778  Free trade decree with America

Charles IV

1792-1797  Godoy prime minister
1801-1808 Godoy again prime minister
1805, October 21  Trafalgar battle
1808  18 March Aranjuez’s mutiny



II. SOME WORDS

Rationalism
Enlightenment
Philosophes
Encyclopedia
Tyrant
Despot
Reformism
General welfare
New Planta Decrees
Intendants
Esquilache Riots
Royal March



III. SOME QUESTIONS

1. What is the difference between Classic Absolutism and Enlightened absolutism?
2. What the “philosophes” though of enlightened
3.  What means that enlightened sovereigns were secular monarchs?
4. Explain the expression “depatrimonialization” of the monarchy
5. Why can we speak of the XVIIIth century revolution as far as Spain is concerned? Think about the main reforms introduced by the Bourbon kings between 1700 and 1808.
6. From Kingdom to State: the Spanish National symbols: the flag and national anthem. 


III. TEXTS

1. The origins and meaning of Enlightenment

The major economic transformations (industrial revolution) which transformed Europe in the 18th century, however, gave rise to the emergence of a new cultural framework which necessarily affected the European kingdoms’ political adaptations to the new times.  The 17th century in Europe was an era of pivotal scientific breakthroughs thanks to thinkers such as Leibniz and Descartes.  It is no coincidence that the best-known work of the latter received the title A Discourse on Method (1637) –  one which reflected  the 18th century’s euphoric embrace of rationalism, which arose from the conviction that men could improve their lives and achieve full happiness through scientific development.  This was the proposition defended by the “philosophes” (friends of wisdom) and the men behind the “Encyclopedia,” leading proponents of the movement known as the Enlightenment (Lumières in French, Aufklärung in German).


2. Enlightened absolutism

It is only to be expected, therefore, that philosophers such as Voltaire, Diderot, D' Alembert, Montesquieu and Rousseau were highly critical of the established order,  particularly the Church and, of course, absolute monarchy.  The philosophes did not, in fact, object so much to the absoluteness of the monarch’s authority as to the way in which he wielded it.  In line with their Enlightenment ideas, they believed that the king’s function was not only to maintain order but to bring progress to his people. The king, then, was no longer envisioned as an agent merely expected to defend an established order, in accordance with the old medieval idea of the “justice-dispensing king.” Rather, the era’s leading lights  viewed monarchs as “reformist” agents  who ought to free their kingdoms and peoples from obscurantism.  In this sense it is significant that Voltaire was a strong advocate of “enlightened  despotism” through which the prince dedicated his government’s action to achieving the greatest level of well-being for his subjects. Today the term “despot” is decidedly pejorative, but in the middle of the 18th century it was not saddled with this negative connotation.  It is extremely telling that one  as cultured and intelligent as Diderot imagined the ideal ruler, the “philosopher king,” to be a “a despot,” and he  best suited to govern wisely. In this sense the case was quite similar to that of the term “tyrant,” which is today one of the worst epithets one can use to label a political leader,  while in classical Greece it was simply a form of government which in many cases preceded and made possible the consolidation of democracy. Such was the case, for example, in Athens under Peisistratus.  After  the French Revolution, however , the term “tyrant”  acquired its negative association.   Thus, beginning in  the mid 19th century some authors preferred to replace the term “enlightened despotism” with “enlightened absolutism,” a term they found to be more accurate and appropriate.


3. The new role of the State

Enlightened absolutism represented public power’s complete embrace of Enlightenment  ideas. It was based on the principle then in vogue   that the state is founded  on a contract between the ruler and his people for the advancement of their general welfare and their security, an objective which the subject  could not (yet) achieve by themselves, as they lacked the knowledge necessary  to advance in the right direction. The prince, in contrast, was fully qualified to do so, having been educated expressly from birth for this purpose. Thus, for Enlightenment monarchs the State, while continuing to play its traditional role as a guardian of order, was also  to protect and educate its  people in order to achieve the highest possible level of development and promote the reforms needed to ensure social progress.

4. Secular monarchs

In contrast, in the kingdoms in which the guiding principles were those of enlightened absolutism, the king was not considered to be chosen by God, nor to be his representative, nor did he base his power on a Divine concession awarded him after the ceremony of anointing, coronation or consecration. Significant in this regard was that Joseph II of Austria refused to be crowned king of Hungary and Bohemia as part of a traditional liturgy. An enlightened king, in his view , did not rule by the grace of God. Rather, his power was based on a new source of legitimacy: that provided by his education, which was, in turn, a consequence of his illustrious origins. As the king is educated from childhood for his office, he is  the one most apt  to achieve those objectives of government which justify  the existence of the state’s apparatus, including  the monarchy itself.  Thus did the ruler stand above interests and prejudices, thanks to an education which enabled him to extract himself from pressure groups and exercise an arbitral role permitting him to resolve conflicts.  Upon shedding his sacred aura the king was unshackled from religious fetters.  Enlightenment principles no longer depended on a particular creed, or dogmas interpreted by an ecclesiastical apparatus, but only on the monarch’s personal conscience.  In this sense the power of the enlightened kings was more “absolute” because they were not subject to particular religious creeds. 

5. Enlightened Absolutism in Spain

Spain was a country ripe for the full application of enlightened absolutism thanks to the abolition of the public/legal institutions of the former Estates of the Crown of Aragon, imposed by Philip V, which was made possible thorough state reform. 

The imposition of Castilian absolutism in Valencia, Aragon, Mallorca and Cataluña after the  promulgation of the “Nueva Planta Decrees,” made possible a renovation of Spanish royal power which stands in contrast to the prostration of the Catholic Monarchy during final stage of the Austrian  monarchies/the Habsburg monarchies. This shift came because, among other things, the Spanish king’s subjects had access to all the different positions in the monarchy’s different territories, which meant that the monopoly of the local oligarchies had been broken, with new people permitted to occupy key posts, in many cases based on their merit and capacities. The peak of enlightened despotism in Spain would come with the reigns of Philip V’s children Ferdinand VI (1746-1759) and Charles III (1759-1788) .  Above all the latter, as Charles had an advantage over his brother: prior  to governing in Spain he had extensive experience, having served as king in Naples and Sicily for 25 years (1734-1759), making  his government more efficient.

The reformism of the early Spanish Bourbons radically transformed Spain, with the abolition of internal customs, tax reform, the liberalization of trade with the American colonies, and economic aid measures which allowed the Spanish Bourbons to impose what the American historian Richard Herr expressively called “the revolution  of the 18th century.”

Major fiscal and administrative reforms allowed the Monarchy to multiply its revenues,  which facilitated the creation of a permanent army and navy, indispensable to defend the country’s overseas territories and allow Spain to regain its status as a great international power. Also noteworthy was the extensive reform of Spain’s governmental structure, with the development of a powerful central government featuring new institutions such as secretariats, ministries and the Council of Ministers, the reinforcement of the Royal Council of Castile as the monarchy’s highest advisory body, the imposition of administrative centralization thanks to the creation of the office of intendente (intendant) ,  and a territorial reorganization of the state at the provincial and local levels.   All of this was made possible by the Bourbons’ appointments of capable government ministers, first foreigners such as Orry under the reign of Philip V and Esquilache under Charles III, with Spanish ministers soon to follow, such as José Patiño, the Marquis of the Ensenada, and the Count of Floridablanca .  The crucial state reform initiatives undertaken by the Spanish Bourbons between the reign of Philip V and Charles III nurtured a feeling of “Spanishness” among the Crown’s subjects, evidenced by the establishment of the Spanish Cortes and the emergence of two of the symbols of the Spanish state still existing today: the flag and the national anthem.

All of this put Spain and its monarchy back on the European map after the crisis of the 17th century.  In 1721 Montesquieu would describe Spain as one of the great European monarchies: “Europe’s most powerful states are those of the emperor and the kings of France, Spain and England. Italy, and a large part of Germany, are divided into an infinite number of small states whose princes are, to be accurate, the martyrs of sovereignty.” 

“The most powerful states in Europe, are those of the emperor, the kings of France, Spain, and England. Italy, and a large part of Germany, are divided into a great many little states, the princes of which are, strictly speaking, the martyrs of Sovereignty” (I found the text in English. But your translation is excellent)

In many cases reform went further than the people could bear and ended up failing, such as virtually all those measures imposed by Joseph II in Austria.  In Portugal part of the reform introduced during the reign of Joseph I failed because of the Portuguese nation’s indifference and even hostility to it.  Under Pombal Portugal’s intellectual class would split (as in Spain) into two camps: traditionalists and encyclopedists.  In Spain Charles III had to deal with the Esquilache Riots (1766), instigated by the privileged classes who frowned upon the king’s reform measures.  In the end, however, Charles demonstrated the ability to implement his policies in a very effective manner, thanks to which Spain managed to regain its status as a major international power.





jueves, 17 de octubre de 2013

Sixth Lesson: From Feudalism to Absolutism: the era of Spanish Catholic Monarchy (1474-1700)


I. TIMELINE (XVIth-XVIIth centuries)


a) MODERN EUROPE

1498    April: Portugal’s Vasco de Gama reaches India.


XVIth century


1500                April. Portugal’s Pedro Alvares Cabral discovers Brazil.

1502                On his third voyage, begun in 1501, Amerigo Vespucci (1454-1512) realizes                                 that he has discovered a new continent, which is named for him: America.   

1513                Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527) publishes The Prince. His inspiration is the Spanish king Ferdinand the Catholic.  

1521      April. Martin Luther defends the Protestant Reformation before Charles V at the  Diet of Worms. 
1527    Sack of Rome.   Charles V’s troops, at war with Pope Clement VII, pillage Rome.
1534    After his marriage to Anne Boleyn (1533) Henry VIII of England (1509-1547) severs the Church of England from Rome (Act of Supremacy). 
1535      October.  Jacques Cartier founds Quebec in Canada.  The beginning of the French colonization of North America.
1545    The Council of Trent begins (ending in 1563).

1553    Mary Tudor is Queen of England (until 1558). Catholicism gains ground. She marries the future Philip II of Spain on July 25, 1554. 

1558    November 17.  Mary Tudor dies in London. Elisabeth I rises to the throne (1558-1603).

1571    October 7.  The Battle of Lepanto.

1572    August 24. The St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre.  Killing of Protestants in Paris.

1589    After converting to Catholicism (“Paris is worth a mass”) Henry IV becomes the first king of the House of Bourbon (King of France, until 1610). 

1598    April 13.  Henry IV signs the Edict of Nantes.  Protestantism is tolerated in France. The “Wars of Religion” which had plagued France (1562 – 1598) come to an end.


XVIIth century


1603    March 24. Death of Elizabeth I of England.

1607    The English found their first settlement in North America: Jamestown ( John Smith and Pocahontas) in Virginia.

1610   Assassination of Henry IV of France. Louis XIII (1610-1643) takes the throne. The regency of his mother, Marie de Medici, lasts until 1614.

1618      Defenestration of Prague.  The Thirty Years War begins. 

1620    November 11.  The Mayflower reaches the coast of North American shores (Cape Cod, Massachusetts). On November 21 the occupants of the boat sign the Mayflower Compact, a landmark document and harbinger of self-rule in the American colonies.

1628    Richelieu takes La Rochelle.  The Protestants are politically subdued by the king of France. 1630,            
            November 10.  Richelieu becomes Louis XIII’s all-powerful chief minister. 

1631    Grotius publishes his work De iure belli ac pacis.

1643    May 14.  Death of Louis XIII.  Regency of Anne of Austria and Mazarin (until 1661).     

1648    October 24.  Treaties of Westphalia.  The Thirty Years War ends.  Spain                           recognizes the independence of the United Provinces (Northern Netherlands). Triumph of the “Europe of nations” against imperial universalism.
 
1649    January 30.  Execution of Charles I of England, the first time a monarch is publicly beheaded in Europe.  Oliver Cromwell is the ruler of England until his death (1658).
August 26. La Fronde revolt begins against the Regent Anne of Austria and Mazarin. 
             
1650    February 11.  Death of French philosopher René Descartes.

1651    Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) publishes The Leviathan. 

1653   End of The Fronde (begun in 1658) with the victory of Mazarin and Anne of Austria.  

1659    November 7.  Signing of the Treaty of the Pyrenees between France and Spain.  End of Spanish hegemony. The “French Century” begins. 

1660    May 30.  The Stuarts regain the throne in England, with Charles II (until 1685).

1661    March 9. Death of Mazarin.  Start of the personal rule of Louis XIV (until 1715).

1673    February 17.  Death of French playwright Molière. 

1682    May: Louis XIV moves to the Palace of Versailles. 

1685    February 6.  After the death of Charles II of England, he is succeeded on the throne by James II (1685-1688).

           March 21. Birth of Johann Sebastian Bach (1685-1750). 
           October 18.  Louis XIV revokes the Edict of Nantes. 

1688    The Glorious Revolution in England.

1689    The English Parliament passes the Bill of Rights. King William III (of                               Orange,1689-1702), marries the daughter of James II, Mary II (1689-1694).  



b) MODERN SPAIN

Spanish kings

1474-1504 Ferdinand and Isabella (Catholic Kings)
1504-1517 Regencies
1517-1556 Charles I (as emperor Charles V)
1556-1598 Philip II
1598-1621 Philip III
1621-1665 Philip IV
1665-1700 Charles II

Essential dates


XVth century

1478   Creation of the Spanish Inquisition

1492

January 2         The Catholic kings enter in Granada. End of the Reconquest.
March 31         Edict of expulsion of the Jews from Spain.
October 12     Christopher Columbus discovers America.

1496    With the conquest of the island of Tenerife, the occupation of the Canary islands initiated by the Crown of Castile in 1477 comes to an end.      

1497   Conquest of Melilla by the Castilian knight Salvador de Estopiñán. 


XVIth century


1512     Conquest of the Kingdom of Navarre (part located south of the Pyrenees) by Ferdinand the Catholic.

1513    Vasco Núñez de Balboa reaches the Pacific  Ocean (South Sea) after crossing the isthmus of present day Panama.

1519    Beginning of the conquest of the Aztec empire (Mexico) by Hernan Cortés.

1520-1521      War of the Communities (April 23, 1521: the comuneros are defeated at                                               Villalar).

1522      September 6: Juan Sebastián Elcano completes the first circumnavigation of the world.

1533    Francisco Pizarro conquers Cuzco the capital of the Inca empire. He will found Lima in 1535.

1536    Pedro de Mendoza founds the “City of Our Lady Saint Mary of the Fair Winds”. First settlement in actual “Buenos Aires” (Argentina).

1540    The papacy authorizes the founding of the Society of Jesus (Jesuits), created by Ignacio de Loyola.

1542    Charles I promulgates the “New Laws.” Inspired by Bartolomé de las Casas, they are an instrument to protect indigenous peoples in the Americas from abuse by Spanish colonists.

1556    Charles V abdicates, leaving to his son Philip II all his domains, except those of the Empire.  He will continue to hold the imperial title until his death.

1557    August 10. The Battle of St. Quentin. Momentous Spanish victory on the Feast Day of St. Lawrence.

1559    April 2. The Treaty of Cateau Cambressis. The beginning of Spanish hegemony.
            July 10. 

1561    July. Madrid becomes the capital of the Spanish monarchy.

1565    Miguel López de Legazpi reaches the Philipines islands. Manila becomes capital of the Spanish colony in 1571.
1566    July. Revolt of the Sea Beggars in the Netherlands. The Calvinists attack Catholic                        Churches. 1567, August 28. The Duke of Alba reaches Brussels at the head of an army. 1568, June 5.  Execution of the Counts of Egmont and Horn.  The anti-Spanish, rebellion in the Netherlands spreads.

1571    October 7.  The Battle of Lepanto.

1581    15 April. The Portuguese Cortes recognize Philip II as King of Portugal. In exchange the monarch agrees to respect the traditional jurisdiction and privileges of the Portuguese kingdom. On July 27 Philip II arrives in Lisbon, remaining in the Portuguese capital until 11 February, 1583.         

1588    Failure of Spain’s invasion of England (the Invincible Armada).

1592    The Cortes of Tarazona.  Philip II puts an end to the Aragonian revolt, suppressing the lifelong appointment of the Chief Justice of Aragon. 


XVIIth century


1605    Publication of the first part of Don Quixote by Miguel de Cervantes.

1609    April 9. Decree expelling the moriscos (Moors) from the Iberian Peninsula. The effective expulsion would remain in effect until 1614.

1616    April 23. Miguel de Cervantes dies in Madrid. On the same day William Shakespeare dies in Stratford upon Avon (England) (May 3 on the Gregorian calendar).

1626    Philip IV (1621-1665) proclaims the “Union of Arms”, a plan advanced by the Count Duke of Olivares to create a common army composed of troops hailing from all across Spain’s territories in the service of the Spanish Monarchy.

1640    Catalonian and Portuguese revolts against Philip IV.

1656   Velázquez (1599-1660) paints “Las Meninas”. 

1659    November 7.  Signing of the Treaty of the Pyrenees between France and Spain.  End of Spanish hegemony. The “French Century” begins. 

1665    Philip IV of Spain dies, succeeded by Charles II (1665-1700). The regency  begins, lasting until 1676.

1700    November 1.  Death of Charles II.

            November 12.  Acceptance by Louis XIV of Spanish Crown for his grandson Philip of Anjou that becomes Philip V of Spain.



II. SOME WORDS

Mayflower
The Leviathan
Peace of Westphalia
Treaty of the Pyrenees
Glorious revolution
Bill of Rights
Spanish Inquisition
War of the Communities
Jesuits
Rule of Law
King/monarch
Legist
Territorial monarchy
State assemblies
Cortes
Magna Carta
Absolutist (legibus solutus)
Roi justicier
Fürstenstaat
Pragmáticas
Infante
“Grandes”
Hermandad
Señoríos
Audiencia
Corregidores
Malos usos

III. SOME QUESTIONS

   1. From feudal kings to territorial monarchs: Spain, France and England.
2. The political limits to the Royal prerogative in the late medieval monarchies: the Estates Assemblies and the origins of the representative principle and the first constitutional texts.
3. A king subject to the law or the medieval origins of the “Rule of law”
4. The apogee of Royal Power: absolute monarchy. Differences with territorial monarchies.
5. Were Absolute monarchs autocrats?
6.  The peculiar structure of the Spanish Catholic Monarchy: between composite monarchy and absolute state.  


III. TEXTS

1. From kings to monarchs

Kings in the Late Middle Ages were to recover much of the power they had lost in the early medieval period, both externally, by gaining independence from emperors and popes, and internally, where they gained ground against their great vassals, the feudal barons.  By becoming the undisputed holders of power, kings evolved into monarchs – a concept much more akin to the imperial Roman conception of political rule. It is no coincidence that European lawyers trained in the late medieval universities resorted to citing Roman law texts to justify the kings’ political autonomy, in accord with the well-known maxim:  Rex est imperator in regno suo, which sanctioned the independence of the new monarchs from the Holy Roman Empire and from papal authority. 

The political consolidation of the monarchs of the Late Middle Ages (in contrast to the kings of the Early Middle Ages) was possible, firstly, because royal status came to be hierarchically situated, at least in theory, above all feudal bonds.  The first to advance this principle was Abbot Suger de Saint Denis (1081-1151), royal adviser to Louis VI and Louis VII and a historian who described feudal society as a pyramid at whose apex stood the king of France, above all other lords. 

Somewhat later, also in France, there appeared the legal term “sovereignty,” coined by “legists” of Louis IX (1226-1270), better known as St. Louis. Inspired by the Roman concept of imperium, these jurists contended that the King of France prevailed over all lords because he was “sovereign.”

2. A territorial monarchy

The Late Medieval monarchs not only managed to become “sovereigns,” staking their legitimacy upon the hereditary principle, but also exerted their power over whole territories.  This situation stood in sharp contrast to what happened during the era of the Germanic kingdoms, during which kings represented Germanic groups. The Visigothic and Frankish monarchs were, for example, elected by their respective nations. 

In the Late Middle Ages monarchies came to be defined by the territories over which they ruled.  The king’s power was exercised over entire regions, a new reality reflected in the royal titles themselves:  as of 1190 Philip II Augustus (1179-1223) was referred to in official documents as “Rex Franciae” (King of France) instead of “Rex Francorum” (King of the Franks) as his predecessors had been designated.

The emergence of territory-based monarchies meant that kings had to possess the means to govern and manage all the land under their rule.  Unlike what occurred with the kings in the feudal period, in the Late Middle Ages the monarch had at his disposition a group of “officials”  he was able to pay because he consistently collected taxes.  He also possessed a permanent and professional army,  which had already appeared in France in the mid 15th century under Charles VII (1422-1461)  - a factor which proved crucial to ensuring the French House of Valois’ triumph in the Hundred Years' War. 

3. Towards the shared exercise of power: the rise of state assemblies

Feudalism radically altered relationships of power as kings became bound to their vassals through a contractual relationship, the feudal pact, which placed them on a plane of equality. The most important consequence of this relationship was that, when exercising their power, kings were obligated to seek the support of their subjects, or at least those with the greatest social and political power: the nobles and urban oligarchs.

Although, as we shall see below, the “parliamentary system” in the strictest sense emerged in 18th century England, it is clear that the principle according to which the sovereign was expected to make decisions by reaching a consensus with the representatives of his kingdom had already appeared by the Late Middle Ages. To this end assemblies of the estates were constituted, so termed because in them the most important social groups (the estates) convened – usually nobles, clergy and representatives of the cities.  The assemblies of the estates received various names in the different European kingdoms.  In the Iberian Peninsula they were called the Cortes; in England, Parliament; in France and the Netherlands, Estates General; and in Poland or the Empire, Diet.  

The precedent for these assemblies may be traced back to the “feudal court,” composed of the king’s most important vassals – essentially nobles and bishops – who owed him consilium.   The principle that kings should consult with their subjects – or at least with the most important (magnates) – regarding important political decisions became institutionalized through the curia regis, a kind of select assembly presided over by the king and made up of the great landowning nobles and the highest-ranking ecclesiastical authorities. As such, it represented an advisory body whose origins may be traced back to the ancient Germanic aula regia. As part of this forum the great nobles, barons and bishops convened in order to parler (from the French, to speak) with the king – hence the term parliament, which in England came to designate the assembly which discussed the most important matters of state with the king.

Following the flourishing of cities in the late medieval period, this restricted body was expanded with the integration of representatives from the burgeoning urban bourgeoisie.  The kings would seek to offset the nobility’s considerable influence by simply admitting representatives from the cities into the royal curia.   

4. The Spanish origins of the representative principle

This crucial initiative of admitting city representatives into the royal curiae was adopted for the first time in European history in Spain, specifically in the Kingdom of León, in 1188 when King Alfonso IX summoned the representatives of cities, along with nobles and bishops, convening the first cortes in Spanish history, so termed because it brought together the three curiae, or cortes, representing the kingdom’s most important “estates” or social classes.  The example spread to other European kingdoms thereafter.  In Spain over the course of the 13th century cortes took hold in Castile and the eastern kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon, in Catalonia, Aragon and Valencia.
 
In the Iberian Peninsula the political importance of the cortes varied.  In Castile they only acquired a certain relevance in the 14th century.  However, during the 15th century the cortes suffered a clear decline leading to their virtual disappearance from politics after the defeat at Villalar (1523), ending the rebellion of the Castilian cities (War of the Communities) against Charles V. In contrast, in the kingdoms of the eastern peninsula, integrated until the late Middle Ages into the Crown of Aragon, the cortes boasted undeniable political power, largely maintained after their integration into the Spanish Monarchy, until their abolition by Phillip V at the beginning of the 18th century. Las Cortes de Navarra, on the other hand, continued to exist until the 19th century.

5. Europe’s first “constitutional” texts?

Although “constitutionalism” tends to be a term used in relation to the era of the liberal state when, based on the premises prevailing in the French Revolution (1789-1799), most European nation-states accepted 19th century constitutional texts as their legal bases, in reality the constitutional principle, understood as a legal text circumscribing royal power, is a legal principle which appeared in the Late Middle Ages. In fact, it emerged as a reaction to the substantial increase in kings’ power and a way to protect subjects and their property from potentially arbitrary actions by the crown.

These documents were solemnly pacted between the monarch and his subjects, such as the decrees approved under the initiative of Alfonso IX of León at the Cortes of 1188, which C. Sánchez Albornoz called the “León Carta Magna” because in it the king promised the representatives of his kingdom that he would not wage war, declare peace, or make important decisions without the consent of the bishops, nobles and leading men of the cities, whose advice was to inform the king’s conduct.

The best known of this class of documents which we might call “protoconstitutional” was the Magna Carta Libertatum (Great Charter of Freedoms ) or simply the “Magna Carta,” a document by which the English nobility, backed by the City of London and the Church in 1215, imposed themselves upon King John of England (John Lackland) for having suffered serious defeats to Philip Augustus of France and to Pope Innocent III, which resulted in major territorial losses. The importance of the Magna Carta lies not so much in its specific content, but rather in the importance it had in the constitutional history of England itself, in the United States of America, and in the modern world in general as a symbol of the possibility of placing legal limitations upon royal power.  


6. The Modern Age and the triumph of royal absolutism

For some the Middle Ages came to a close upon the taking of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks on May 29, 1453. For others it ended with the discovery of America on October 12, 1492. In any case, the period that follows directly precedes our own times and has traditionally been known as the Early Modern Period, spanning the 16th and 17th centuries.  During this stage the major development in terms of the history of the state was the spectacular growth in the power of kings, who consolidated a new model of political organization termed absolute monarchy, whose paradigmatic summation came in the famous phrase attributed to Louis XIV: “I am the state” (L´État c’est moi), conveying the complete identification of the state with the figure of the king. 

Kings during this era were no longer considered subject to the traditional order created by God and, therefore, were no longer bound by the limits of medieval, “pact-based” government.  Hence the decline of the “assemblies of the estates.”  The key development was that absolute kings were enabled to create laws.  Previously they had only been able to conserve them, confirm them and above all, protect them by exercising their roles essentially as judges, a function afforded them as representatives of God on Earth.  During this era monarchs came to stand above the law (legibus solutus) and were able to actually devise it, which is precisely why they were regarded as absolute monarchs. They had fully recovered the legislative function which had been a prerogative of the Roman emperors.  In the Early Modern Period the old medieval roi justicier would become a roi législateur.

7. The state of the prince

Although in some kingdoms royal absolutism appeared early, such as in Castile, where the kings imposed their supremacy as of the late 14th century, the era of classic absolutism (hoch Absolutismus) would span the 16th and 17th centuries, although in some countries, such as France, it would last until the second half of the 18th. The era of absolute monarchy is also known in German historiography as the Fürstenstaat, literally the “State of the Prince,” because all branches of the state – executive, legislative and judicial – relied upon the monarch and exercised their powers in his name.

In absolute monarchy the king becomes the sole repository of power.  As such, all state functions are placed in his hands, not only judicial functions (which he already held in medieval times) but also legislative ones.  This marked an important development, as in the Middle Ages the king could not alter the order established by God through creation, but only maintain and protect it.  Ultimately the king established himself as governor and administrator and, unlike what happened in the monarchies of the Late Middle Ages, he could make decisions and pass laws without necessarily consulting with the assemblies of estates.

8. The Castilian origin of Absolutism

Absolute monarchy, of course, which as a political model first appeared in Spain, specifically in Castile in the late 14th century, would tend to curtail the authority of these estate-based assemblies, which were overpowered by sovereigns who could unilaterally modify the legislation passed by the cortes
As of the reign of John I (1379-1390) the crown’s burgeoning authority was as unstoppable as was the political decline of the Castilian Cortes.  Clear evidence of this was the emergence of unilateral royal legislation outside the purview of the Cortes and its dictates, with the issuance of what were known as pragmáticas. The case was that the Cortes was unable to pressure the kings based on the body’s capacity to generate revenue, as the Spanish monarchs were receiving massive quantities of gold and silver from their American colonies.  It should also be considered that tax revenues in Castile depended essentially on the peculiar servicio de millones, which charged local authorities with collecting special taxes.  Finally, beginning with the reign of Charles I the nobility ceased to attend meetings of the Cortes, which undercut the representativeness of the Castilian assembly of the estates. Thus, it is hardly surprising that henceforth the Cortes in Castile and León played an increasingly formal, token role, with the kings convening them essentially to add greater solemnity to the announcement of certain decisions and acts which they had proposed. Another of their primary functions involved the royal succession; it was the Cortes which heard the oath taken by the crown prince, a necessary step for him to become king.  

9. The resistance to the Absolute monarchy model

An exception to the decay of Estates Asemblies in the Absolutist period, however, came in England, where Parliament was able to curb royal prerogatives as of the mid 17th century. In the Iberian Peninsula the cortes preserved their authorities and political relevance in the eastern kingdoms of the old Crown of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia) in which the structure of pact-based rule continued to endure until the early 18th century when the political organization of these kingdoms was abolished by the Nueva Planta Decrees.The same thing occurred in Portugal between 1580 and 1640 when the kingdom became part of the Catholic Monarchy. 

10. Absolutism in the Spanish Catholic monarchy

In the Spanish monarchy the respect for traditional law (the privileges of the kingdom) was also the order of the day in the eastern kingdoms formerly integrated into the Crown of Aragon (the kingdoms of Aragon, Valencia, Mallorca and the Principality of Catalonia), with them conserving almost all of the privileges which had been secured by the medieval cortes. Thus, in the 16th and 17th centuries, though the kings of Spain were the West’s most powerful on paper, in practice they occupied a very different constitutional position in each and every one of their kingdoms. In fact, they were only absolute monarchs in Castile,  which explains why whenever possible the Spanish monarchs incorporated the territories they conquered or occupied, such as Navarre and the Americas, into the Castilian Crown, where their power was not constrained by all the impediments upon it in places such as Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, the Netherlands, Italy, Sicily, Naples, Milan, Franche-Comte, Luxembourg and, after 1580, Portugal.

11. The Catholic Kings and the United Spanish Monarchy

Isabel and Fernando

The union of the crowns of Castile and Aragón was a consequence of the pressures of turbulent domestic politics in both kingdoms as much or more than it was part of a grand diplomatic design. Such a union had been attempted once before, after the death of Alfonso VI in 1109, and had failed completely. There were two main factors behind the marriage of Isabel of Castile and Fernando of Aragón in 1469: the desperate need of Juan II to garner Castilian assistance in the Catalan civil war, protecting against the danger of French intervention, and the need of the teenaged princess Isabel to have a royal mate on whom she could rely to strengthen her cause in Castile. Fernando was heir to an important Hispanic patrimony, but unlike Alfonso V of Portugal, was not ruler of a firm, compact state that would have provided a base for intervention in Castilian affairs.

 Isabel, born in 1451, was one year older than Fernando. Her life had been difficult and tempestuous, caught up in the political intrigues of the Castilian aristocracy and the succession to the throne. As the daughter of the second marriage of Juan II of Castile, she was originally far removed from the dynastic succession, ranking behind her half-brother Enrique IV, his daughter Juana, and her own elder brother the Infante Alfonso. Enrique IV was tolerant, easy-going, and peace-loving, and hence not the type of ruler who could most easily dominate the powerful, quarrelsome, and ambitious Castilian aristocracy. Despite lack of pronounced political ability, he strove to maintain [171] order in the kingdom but after ten years became the victim, in 1464, of a strong aristocratic reaction which forced royal recognition of the predominance of the aristocratic faction and of his young half-brother, Alfonso, as heir to the throne. The propaganda that has blackened Enrique IV's historical reputation originated at this time, for he was labeled by dissident nobles impotent, sexually perverted, achristian, and promuslim. A campaign was waged to have his heiress, Juana, declared illegitimate because of Enrique's supposed impotence, and the unfortunate princess was given the nickname la Beltraneja after one Beltrán de la Cueva, a former court favorite who was without the slightest evidence tagged as her father.

Yet Castilian aristocratic conspiracies were notoriously fissiparous. Young Alfonso suddenly took ill and died, and the king regained the upper hand. Isabel then remained the sole candidate of the dissident aristocracy for the role of a more agreeable and manageable heiress than the legitimate daughter of the ruling king. Isabel's Portuguese mother had gone mad in her later years, and the constant intrigues and harassment by political factions to which Isabel's adolescent years were subject developed distinctly paranoiac tendencies in the princess. Isabel never doubted the justice of her cause and viewed herself the legitimate heiress of Castile, fully accepting all the propaganda about Enrique IV and his daughter Juana. A round-faced, plumpish, green-eyed girl with dark blonde hair in her youth, Isabel had been reared in the rural castles of Castile and did not receive a sophisticated education. She was vigorous and energetic. Devoted to the hunt, and had a great sense of dedication to her responsibilities. She was also, as befit a fifteenth-century Castilian princess, extremely pious and committed to the cause of religion in her realm.

Fernando had been born in 1452 and literally grew up in the great Catalan civil war. Healthy and vigorous, he had a somewhat better education than Isabel and received much more practical experience at an early age, commanding military forces at thirteen. His political understanding was conditioned by the constitutional theories and practices of the Aragonese empire. Native instinct and long experience developed in Fernando one of the best European diplomats of his generation, yet despite the praise justly lavished upon him by Machiavelli, he was no unscrupulous Cesare Borgia. Unlike some of his contemporaries, his ideal was not absolute monarchy but political compromise and the constitutional monarchist state of Aragón. Though his religiosity was less obvious than that of Isabel, Fernando was also pious, and was influenced by the mystical strain of much of the religiosity of the fifteenth century, so that together with the prudent and calculating politician there existed a potential crusader.

The Castilian succession crisis began with the death of Enrique IV in 1474. Much of the aristocracy chose sides between Isabel on the one hand and (the supposedly illegitimate) Juana, backed by Alfonzo V of Portugal as her suitor, on the other. The succession struggle lasted five years, during which the cause of Doña Juana was supported by the entire southern half of the kingdom, as well as by some of the towns of Old Castile. Isabel herself saw the issue strictly in terms of black and white. The actual leader of the Isabeline party was D. Fernando. who brought in Aragonese military technicians to organize the somewhat backward Castilian levies that eventually brought victory to Isabel at Toro in 1476. Three years later, Juan II of Aragón died at the age of 81, and the Castilian consort ascended the Aragonese throne as Fernando II (1479-1516).

The union of the crowns established a dyarchy, but there was no attempt at constitutional fusion of Castile and the states of the Aragonese empire. Each principality remained autonomous and distinct with its separate administration, united only by the common diplomatic and military policies of the two rulers. There was never any question as to whether Isabel held authority in the constitutional systems of the Aragonese empire; the only point at issue was the influence of Fernando in Castile. It was ultimately decided that Fernando would enjoy kingly status and prerogatives even to the extent of exercising functions of government, but that only Isabel would receive homage as direct ruler and have power to disburse funds or make royal appointments.

The dynastic alliance worked with surprising harmony, and in Castilian affairs the two sovereigns frequently issued common decrees with a joint seal. The effectiveness of their royal administration permitted Castile to realize its size and strength for the first time since the great reconquest and to take the lead from Portugal in overseas expansion. In the Aragonese lands, Fernando's government finally checked the decline of Catalonia and encouraged a new era of modest prosperity.

The ordering of Castile

Isabel could probably never have become queen of Castile (1474-1504) had it not been for the dissidence of the grandes and other aristocrats, yet she and Fernando planned to be anything but tools of aristocratic factionalism. Indeed, the Isabeline cause was able to take advantage of a certain current of democratic sentiment in Castile during the 1470s, for the petty nobility and townspeople wearied of the inordinate influence and ambition of the grandes and looked to a new ruler to provide order and justice.
Spanish historians often refer to the monarchy of Isabel and Fernando as the first modern state. This is an exaggeration. The distinctly new ideas of the royal couple were few, and the only radically different institution that they created was the Inquisition. Their political vision was to perfect existing monarchist institutions, but this in itself meant drastic change in the functioning of Spanish government. The establishment of genuine law and order, bringing internal peace and stability and the crushing of those divisive forces that had held Castile back for more than a century, marked a turning point from which the Spanish crown would move toward eventual European hegemony. If not the first modern state, the monarchy of Isabel and Fernando was the most effective reformed government in late-fifteenth-century Europe. Its reforms guaranteed the resources for final completion of the reconquest in 1492 and so won from the papacy the title by which the royal couple is known to history--the Catholic Kings.

Isabel and Fernando did not aim at the establishment of absolute monarchy in Castile and Aragón, for this concept was not introduced until the Bourbon dynasty of the eighteenth century. Their political ideal, according to the language of their documents, was the "preeminent monarchy," superior in authority to all other institutions, yet respectful of the laws of the kingdom and the rights of its subjects. The Castilian monarchy of Isabel built upon the traditional Castilian state--a strong royal executive with considerable scope for royal law, but functioning in harmony with a comparatively weak traditional Cortes that held a limited power of the purse and a nominal right to ratify the royal succession. These relations were the easier because most of the third estate looked to the crown to protect its subjects from the ravages of the aristocracy. The Castilian Cortes was summoned sixteen times during the reign of Isabel and Fernando--with one hiatus of fourteen years, between 1483 and 1497--and in almost every case proved quite docile. Unlike the Cortes of the Aragonese empire, those of Castile still made little effort to wring juridical or other concessions from their sovereigns.
The first objective of the new rulers was to assert royal sovereignty, put the aristocracy in its place, and restore public order. During the chaotic reigns of Juan II and Enrique IV, followed by the civil war of 1474-1479, murder and pillage had ravaged much of the kingdom. During the 1460’s, a number of Castilian towns had revived the earlier tradition of forming a hermandad, a brotherhood for self-protection and the policing of roads. In 1476, this force was ratified by the crown, which authorized formation of a broad Santa Hermandad with crossbowmen and other armed policemen to serve as a rural constabulary. The Hermandad was deprived of any independent jurisdiction and kept subordinate to the crown, but it brought order [174] to the central and northern parts of Castile. Before it was finally disbanded by the crown in 1498 it had done much to make Castile one of the most orderly kingdoms of western Europe.

The fractious elements of the aristocracy had to be dealt with by more powerful forces, and the royal military, with their new artillery, were used during the early years of the reign to put down disturbances. Subsequently, the building of new castles was prohibited. The monarchy of Isabel and Fernando was by no means an enemy of the aristocracy, but it brooked no challenge to royal authority. Large tracts of land recently alienated from the royal domain were reoccupied, but otherwise the crown ratified the economic jurisdiction of the señoríos and the latifundia that went with them. Grandes were encouraged to attend the royal couple and spend a great deal of time with the peripatetic court, in a policy that later became standard with royal states. Though the joint rulers were reluctant to appoint aristocrats to influential positions of government, there was ample opportunity to employ them more profitably in the foreign wars that filled the era. In 1512, a special Corps of Royal Guards, an early unit of what was becoming a Spanish army, was created exclusively as a place of special military honor in which young noblemen might serve the crown.

Some of the land alienated under Enrique IV was restored to the royal domain, and the territory of certain rebels was also confiscated. The royal patrimony in Castile was further enlarged by providing that D. Fernando would be elected master of each crusading order after the death of its incumbent leader. By 1494, the king had become master of the third and last order. Since the crown was in a position to accomplish those military tasks for which the orders had originally been established, most of their income and eventually their entire properties were incorporated into the royal domain.

In 1480, the Castilian royal council, which had existed since the reign of Fernando III and had held almost exclusive responsibility for affairs of state since 1385, was reorganized. Heretofore it had been a committee of aristocrats and church hierarchs, but under the Catholic Kings it was composed of eight or nine lawyers, only three nobles, and one cleric. The royal legal system was also revamped. There had been a royal audiencia (supreme court) since the reign of Alfonso X, but its jurisdiction was sometimes uncertain. In 1485, the royal audiencia was located permanently at Valladolid, and four regional audiencias were established as well. These measures, together with the reestablishment of order and security, were part of a general program of developing a rule of law in Castile. Compared with other states of that period, the system functioned well, for the extension of royal authority encouraged greater justice for the lower classes, and the [175] right of appeal to the royal audiencia for certain kinds of cases was guaranteed.

The Catholic Kings followed the policy of intervention in municipal affairs that had become fairly common during the preceding two hundred years, sending out regular corregidores for one year's service in towns to report on local government and tax collection. Other royal agents, pesquisidores and veedores, were sent sometimes to check further on the corregidores. For general military and administrative jurisdiction, the system of frontier adelantamientos (forward border jurisdictions) was expanded into a series of nine to cover the entire kingdom, with one adelantado, or military governor, for each.

One of the great successes of the government of the Catholic Kings was their ability to select talent and employ it in the royal service. New leadership was provided for administrative, ecclesiastical, juridical, and military affairs. The reign saw no political or constitutional development in Castile, but accomplished great administrative improvement and brought into government new elite elements from the third estate. It was also a time of broad codification of laws in Castile, as in the Aragonese lands.

 The only major social revolt in Castile during the fifteenth century was the rebellion of the peasant irmandades (brotherhoods) of Galicia, which are not to be confused with the constabulary of the Santa Hermandad of the main part of the kingdom. Formation of irmandades of Galician peasants and townspeople of the third estate had been authorized by Enrique IV in 1465 to check the overweening power of the Galician aristocracy. The irmandades were reasonably well organized by districts, and in some areas into groups of one hundred. They were sometimes led by elements of the petty nobility in opposition to the high aristocracy and church prelates. Their goal was basic social and economic reform, with better terms and an end to feudal residues for the peasants, and reduction of obligations for the towns on seigneurial and church domain. Rising in armed revolt, they took over large areas of Galicia and forced key prelates and aristocrats out of the region or into hiding. In general terms, the revolt of the irmandades, which may at one time have had fifty thousand not fully armed followers, was the Galician equivalent of the Catalan remença uprising and the foráneo revolts in the Balearics, generated by the pressures of feudal survivals in a late medieval period of socia1 and economic change.

The irmandade revolt was put down, well before the general victory of Isabel in Castile, by a reaction of the regional aristocracy of Galicia, which finally concentrated its forces against the ill-armed peasants. In general, reprisals were not severe, and the Galician aristocracy split almost immediately into several feuding factions in a [176] fight that degenerated into all-out civil war. In 1480-1481, the crown finally extended direct royal police authority into the region, broadening the scope of the Santa Hermandad to include all Galicia and sending a special royal commission to restore order and settle quarrels. A decree of 1480 explicitly canceled whatever residues of bondage to the soil existed in Galicia and a few other regions. Peasants in all parts of the kingdom were recognized as free subjects. and some minor reforms in Galicia ensued, but the social authority of the aristocracy and church remained greater there than in other parts of Castile. This reality, combined with population pressure and factors of climate and soil, left the peasantry of Galicia under greater stress than in most of the rest of the kingdom.

The one radical innovation in the state system of Fernando and Isabel, the establishment of the Castilian (or Spanish) Inquisition, was designed to maintain orthodoxy and unity among the Catholic subjects of the crown. Though the Inquisition was an instrument in statebuilding, it was formally a religious tool, and will be discussed in chapter 11. It became the ultimate guarantee of unity and orthodoxy in the realm.

The Ordering of Aragón and Catalonia

The rule of Fernando in Aragón was one of conservative reform that did not greatly alter the existing constitutional structure. The king spent little more than one year in ten in the lands of Aragón during his reign, for he fully appreciated the greater weight and importance of Castile in the affairs of the monarchy. From his youth he had been well versed in the constitutions of the Aragonese principalities, and accepted without hesitation the existing constitutional structure of Aragón and Valencia. He reorganized the Aragonese royal council and specifically ratified constitutional guarantees of safeconduct and temporary sanctuary in that state. There was no attempt at new social regulation in Aragón that compared to what was worked out in Catalonia or Galicia, however. The Aragonese variant of the Hispanic social revolts of the period--several small peasant uprisings between 1507 and 1517--were simply suppressed. The dominance of the Aragonese aristocracy in its realm was even less questioned than that of the nobility in Castile, so long as no effort was made to contest specifically royal prerogatives.

The major problem was still Catalonia. During the last six years of the reign of Juan II, the crown had lacked the time or the energy and will to effect a complete settlement of the Catalan civil war. This complex problem was left to Fernando, and by the time he became king, nearly all factions were so exhausted that the entire principality looked to its able young sovereign for a lasting solution to the constitutional and social questions of the century. He did not disappoint these expectations.
Fernando explicitly reaffirmed Catalan constitutional rights and the limitations on royal power in his Observança of 1481. Many property disputes had been left unresolved at the end of the Catalan civil war, and Fernando finally settled them in 1481, largely on the basis of the status quo ante. Military jurisdiction over the principality was also ended. Fernando's original settlement, however, tended to confirm the rights of the landlords over those of the peasants, provoking a final remença uprising in 1484-1485. This was crushed, but its virulence convinced Fernando that fundamental reforms were needed in the Catalan countryside. His Sentence of Guadalupe in 1486 finally ended the remença controversy once and for all by establishing the juridical freedom of all peasants and abolishing all redemption payments and malos usos. The property rights of landlords were reaffirmed, but so were the usufructuary guarantees of the peasants. The result was a broad establishment of hereditary emphyteutical tenure for the majority of Catalan peasants and an acceptable social equilibrium in the Catalan countryside.
After many complaints about oligarchic domination of the Catalan Generalitat, Fernando decreed in 1488 the suspension of elections for Generalitat deputies and judges, henceforth to be named by royal order. Similarly, in 1490, he suspended further elections to the Barcelona city council and established the procedures of insaculació: the establishment of lists of qualified representatives for each sector of the population, from which councillors were to be selected by lot. Both these measures enjoyed general approval, because of the broadly felt need for royal intervention to break oligarchic and corrupt domination by sectors of the upper classes.
In the 1480s and l490s, Catalonia began to find a new social stability that was to last for a century and a half. It was a stability based upon retrenchment and greater security, and upon a high degree of bureaucratization politically and economically.  New arrangements had been worked out that satisfied most groups in the society, and almost every subject had a defined place. The result was a kind of neomedieval corporatization, not a renewal of the risktaking, expansive Catalan society of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
 During the reign of Fernando the economic recovery of Catalonia began, supported by strong protective legislation that restricted foreign imports and guaranteed the market of the Mediterranean possessions of the crown for Catalonia and Valencia. However, Catalan [178] merchants and financiers were unable to regain the vigor of one hundred and fifty years earlier. The modest prosperity of the sixteenth century did not provide them with the resources which they would have needed to participate in the major expansive ventures of the crown.

The Predominance of Castile in the United Monarchy

By the end of the fifteenth century, Castile had a population approximately seven times greater than that of all the Aragonese principalities combined. The predominance of Castile was apparent in the united crown from the very beginning, for Fernando was obliged by his marriage to spend most of his time there. The expanded commerce of late medieval Castile far surpassed even the potential of the smaller Aragonese principalities. Moreover, the greater authority of the crown in Castile, compared with its circumscribed position in the Aragonese lands, enabled it to marshal resources more effectively.

No single factor was more important in this than the increase of the royal income in Castile. New taxes were not levied, but the royal patrimony was extended and the tax collection system improved. Without seriously imposing on the domestic economy, the royal income--not allowing for a certain degree of inflation--increased some thirtyfold between 1474 and 1504. This made possible the conquest of Granada and a vigorously expansive policy overseas.

Castile thus became the base of Spanish monarchy, and its strength was gratefully acknowledged by Catalans, who now had less reason to fear French pressure. Catalans themselves sometimes addressed Fernando not as king of Aragón, or king of Aragón and Castile, but as rei d'Espanya-"king of Spain," meaning nearly all the peninsular principalities. At the same time, the institutional influence of Aragón and Catalonia did to some extent make itself felt in Castile. Certain aspects of the Catalan viceregal, consular, guild, and labor regulation systems were adopted by Castilian law in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.

SOURCE:  http://libro.uca.edu/payne1/spainport1.htm